[Silence... is Mafia!]
The
Mafia System in Italy
Essay by Alessandro D'Alessio
Mafia
represents a cultural, economical and political Italian phenomenon. Mafia
organisations are criminal groups whose main objective is to make business, sharing
a common background of values and culture. Its complexity requires a deep
analysis in order to understand the reasons that allow it to be such a key
player in the Italian history. Their power could be explained by social
consensus given by a certain culture in specific poor areas, especially in the
south, but, as prosecutor of Palermo Roberto Scarpinato affirmed[1],
mafia issues would have been erased many years ago if politicians hadn’t always
been so prone to it. The link between the political world and the criminal and
violent universe of the Italian mafia existed even before the unification
process of 1861[2].
After the end of World War II its presence has become more accentuated gaining an
unofficial but constant representation throughout Italian institutions. These
two powers, mafia and the institutions, are able to contact each other using
corruption as means of communication, establishing and maintaining a specific
order: the “Mafia System”.
In
Italy we can distinguish five different mafia organisations: Cosa Nostra and Stidda in Sicily, ‘Ndrangheta
in Calabria, Sacra Corona Unita in
Puglia, Camorra in Campania and in
the city of Naples[3].
It’s useful to make a brief overview of the most economically powerful[4]
in their features and differences. The Sicilian Mafia, called Cosa Nostra, probably born at the
beginning of the XIX Century[5],
has been defined as a terrorist-mafia association by the “pentito” Gaspare Spatuzza in 2009. He explained the adjective “terrorist”
referring to the mafia attacks in Florence and Milan that, in 1993, killed ten
innocent people[6].
‘Ndrangheta[7],
whose name comes from the Greek “andragathos”[8],
is not well-known to the national public even if its influence on the Italian
political life goes back to the 1869, when Reggio Calabria administrative
elections were cancelled because of gerrymandering. In those years a criminal
organisation, initially defined “picciotteria”,
began to spread its power in Reggio Calabria and Catanzaro areas and had
characteristics that were similar to the Camorra’s,
which, in turn, had been inspired by the Spanish “Garduna”, a Toledo secret association created in 1417[9].
Nowadays ‘Ndrangheta is one of the
most powerful criminal organisations of the planet and it owns almost the
monopoly of the cocaine smuggling in Europe[10].
In 2008 ‘Ndrangheta was included in
the drug trade black list by the USA government[11].
The Camorra is a mafia phenomenon
that involves the masses and it’s the only one with urban origins[12].
Camorristi[13]
call their organisation “O’ Sistema”[14].
The lack of long-lasting hierarchical structures and rules makes the
organisation very flexible and dynamic. Camorra,
like other mafia organisations, has had strong contacts with the political
system since the 1865 general elections. “O’
Sistema”, differently from Cosa
Nostra, doesn’t propose an alternative order in opposition to the State but
rules social disorder[15].
A
common characteristic that links all organisations is the fact that the most
important members have particular nicknames. Francesco Schiavone, former head
of the Casalesi[16],
has been dubbed “Sandokan”[17];
Michele Greco, Cosa Nostra boss of
the 1980s, was dubbed “Il Papa”[18]
[19];
Giuseppe Morabito, boss of the Morabito clan, is called “U’ Tiradrittu”[20] [21].
Nicknames are used by organisations as a fundamental communication strategy to
be easily and quickly recognizible.
In
order to understand the relationships between politics and mafia is appropriate
to define values and structures of such organisations. The mafiosi[22] think that laws
are for cowards but rules are for “men”. These “rules of honour” don’t tell
them to be honest, on the contrary they tell them how to command. They think it’s
only a luxury for the rich believing in the dream of a “better world”. Values
like freedom, justice or equality are for the weak; they assume that if they
risk all, they have all. They also know they will be killed or betrayed by someone
very close to them like a friend, and so even friendship is considered
insignificant. There’s no way to think it’s possible to live without hiding,
running away or going to jail; if you do that, you’re not a real “man”. Organisations
know that human beings are depraved and corrupt, so new members have to know
the differences between a common man and a mafioso.
The latter knows exactly what and when problems will happen while the former is
cheated by bad luck or fate. They also show no compassion for betrayers who are
inevitably death sentenced; there’s no forgiveness, the betrayer will always be
on their list and if he runs away his family or allies will be killed[23].
It’s also true that it doesn’t exist a natural way of being a mafioso from an
anthropological perspective, they have only few occasions to communicate their
power publicly so they study methods to act like “mafiosi” for example dressing like Michael Corleone or using
specific accents while speaking. They artificially create a “mafia style” that
must be easy to recognize and to understand. They get their inspiration from
the movies, not the opposite. Typical examples are the arrest of Cosimo Di
Lauro, a Camorrista, when he showed himself
to the media dressed like “The Crow”[24]
and Walter Schiavone’s mansion in Casal di Principe that looked like the Tony
Montana’s “Scarface” one[25].
Such cynical
and ferocious mafia “ethics” seem to fit perfectly with democracy and its
institutions. Especially in the last few years, politicians are those who
activate themselves to create contacts with the organisations[26].
Politicians ask them to vote for their party since mafia controls large
portions of the economy and of the population on the Italian territory. This is
very common at all levels, administrative, general and even the primaries of
the Democratic Party[27].
But why have politicians proven particularly prone to mafia groups gaining
prominence in public life? First of all mafia is a cultural problem. Vast areas
in southern regions of Italy are quite poor and completely left alone by the
State; thousand of people recognise criminal organisations as the official
authority. Frequently mafia is able to provide jobs and protection. Those regions
are generally peaceful places even though such tranquillity is obtained through
fear and threats. In a country where rights are not fully respected, mafia
gives people a chance to live and, in this perspective, the State is judged to
be an enemy. It’s a fact that a degraded ruling class degrades people and vice
versa in a vicious circle[28].
Joining
an organisation requires a specific initiation ritual. Cosa Nostra calls it “Punciuta”[29]
consisting of a little cut on the index finger of the hand that the initiate
uses to shoot. This cut is made with a bitter orange thorn, sometimes a
particular golden thorn, in front of the family boss and other “uomini d’onore”[30] [31].
‘Ndrangheta calls this ritual “Battesimo”[32]
and has almost religious connotations as the initiate has to pronounce a
specific formula while holding in his hands the burning picture of Saint Michael[33].
Organisational
structures are important because they mark some differences with other criminal
groups that cannot be defined as “mafia”. Simple organised groups usually disappear
when their members are killed or arrested while the mafia ones succeed in establishing
continuity and giving, from a generation to another, a whole set of values and
methods. The Sicilian Mafia is hierarchically composed by “soldati”[34]
or “uomini d’onore” that form a
“family”. This latter has a territorial based structure that allows it to
control a particular city area from which it takes the name. An elected chief
called “Rappresentante”[35]
rules the “family”. Then there’s the “Capo-decina”
that coordinates the activities of ten, or more, “soldiers”; the “Capi-Mandamento” represent three or
more territorially neighbouring families and form the “Cupola”[36]
or “Commissione Provinciale”, they also
elect the chief of the “Commissione”.
The advent to power of Totò Riina’s Corleonese Mafia brought the creation of a new
entity called “Interprovinciale” that
has the role to control all the Sicilian provinces[37].
On his
side, ‘Ndrangheta has even more
complicated hierarchical structures. The “Società”[38],
as the ‘Ndranghetisti[39]
use to call their organisation, is divided in “Società Minore” and “Società
Maggiore”. The first one is composed of the “Contrasto Onorato”, a person who is not yet a member of the
organisation; he becomes a “Picciotto”
after the “Baptism” ritual. Then he can become a “Camorrista”[40]
and if he kills at least one person he will gain the status of “Sgarrista” that is the highest rank of
the “Società Minore”. The transition
from the “Società Minore” to the “Società Maggiore” is very peculiar. The
member receives a golden key from the hierarchically superior assembly of the “Santisti” and he has to hold it until
the “Maggiore” of San Luca, the ‘Ndrangheta headquarter in Calabria, ratifies
the transition. The “Sgarrista” now
becomes a “Santista”, member of the “Santa”, quitting the ‘Ndrangheta to be part of a mixed
structure having specific roles. Indeed, the “Santista” can establish contacts with the Police forces and with
the public institutions of the State. The “Santa”
objectives concern mainly drug smuggling, kidnapping and other trades that can bring
profits. Then there is the “Vangelo”
whose members[41]
have the most important decision-making responsabilities of the organisation.
There are also other ranks like “Quartino”,
“Trequartino” and “Padrino” but the ‘Ndrangheta’s secrecy
concerning the highest personalities of the hierarchy prevents us from knowing
more precise informations about them[42].
According to the four volumes of the recent “Ordinanza
di fermo” concluding the long investigation of the Milan and Reggio
Calabria DDA[43],
some previously unknown ranks within the ‘Ndrangheta
are, in ascending order, “Crociata”, “Stella”, “Bartolo”, “Mamma”, “Infinito” and “Conte Ugolino” that should be the highest rank of the organisation[44].
Modern
mafia organisations act like big companies and their main goal is to make money
using every method. Drug smuggling, along with other illicit activities like
racketeering, pronstitution, money laundering and corruption, gives them a lot
of extra money that grants them to be extremely competitive on the legal market
controlling and building restaurants, hotels, discotheques, supermarkets and a
variety of different kind of enterprises that embrace almost every economic
field[45].
In 2013 ‘Ndrangheta has estimated annual
revenue of 52,6 billion euros that represent the 3,4% of the Italian GDP[46].
According to the Naples DDA in 2008
the Casalesi clan earned about 30
billion euros[47].
This economic power allows them to spread internationally causing serious
distortions to the free market[48].
The
knowledge of such informations is fundamental to understand how organised these
groups are in controlling the territory through complex structures and how their
criminal actions pursuit a specific, serious and professional economic strategy
able to influence the international market and the political life of nations[49].
The
cracks through which is possible to see the underground world of relationships
between organised crime and politics in Italy are given by facts.
The
first one is the “Portella della Ginestra Massacre” committed in Sicily on May
1, 1947. The bandit Salvatore Giuliano and his gang opened fire on a crowd of
poor peasants and workers gathered at Portella della Ginestra while celebrating
the Labour Day. The shoot out caused the death of 11 people and many wounded. The
reasons why Giuliano carried out the massacre aren’t totally clear till now even
though it’s sure that Cosa Nostra was
involved together with separatist Sicilian forces who wanted to guarantee the
preservation of certain balances of power in the new post-war institutional and
political framework. This latter is considered to be responsible of instigating
the massacre attempting to threaten peasant masses that were protesting against
landowners and who voted for the “People’s Block”, a coalition of the Italian
Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), a few weeks
earlier[50].
The
Cold War is the historical background in which this system of relations is set.
Democrazia Cristiana (DC) won the
1948 general elections and inevitably mafia interests were directed towards
this party. At first they supported politicians like Salvo Lima, mayor of
Palermo, and his council member Vito Ciancimino both close to Amintore Fanfani
who was minister of the first De Gasperi governments. When Fanfani together
with Aldo Moro decided to collaborate with the PSI, mafia attentions shifted
towards Giulio Andreotti and his “corrente”[51],
joined also by Lima and Ciancimino. The DC accepted mafia votes mainly because
they were useful in the fight against communism in the attempt to contain the PCI
expanding influence. In the 1970s in Calabria ‘Ndrangheta syndicates decided to enter institutions directly;
clearly the DC was the most compromised party also because the PCI followed an
inflexible policy of expulsions with everyone in some way implicated with mafia.
The DC had also relationships with the Camorra
that can be explained through the specific case of the Cirillo’s kidnapping. In
1981 Ciro Cirillo, Neapolitan DC council member of the Campania region, was
kidnapped by the communist terrorist organisation the “Red Brigades”. Members
of the DC, Italian Secret Services and Raffaele Cutolo’s “Nuova Camorra Organizzata”[52]
were the key players for the negotiations with the terrorists. Cutolo, in jail
at that time, claimed many favours, profits for his enterprises and a judicial
preferential treatment. A few months later Cirillo was released after the
payment of a 1,4 billion Lire ransom[53].
It’s interesting to compare this case with another one that occured three years
earlier when the DC refused to negotiate with the terrorists, belonging to the
Red Brigades too, that kidnapped the then-president of the party Aldo Moro.
On his
side, in 2003 Giulio Andreotti[54]
was found guilty of cospiration[55]
with Cosa Nostra till 1980 but the sentence
was statute-barred. The verdict describes an “authentic, constant and friendly
availability of the accused towards the mafiosi
till spring 1980”[56].
Leonardo Messina, a “pentito”[57],
affirmed that he was told that Andreotti was “punciutu” which means he participated the official mafia ritual, the
“Punciuta”, to join the organisation[58].
Andreotti was accused also to be the instigator of the murder of the lawyer and
journalist Carmine Pecorelli. The “pentito”
Tommaso Buscetta testified that Gaetano Badalamenti, boss of the Cosa Nostra syndicate of Cinisi, told
him that the homicide was ordered by the Salvo cousins, Sicilian entrepenaurs
linked to the Sicilian Mafia, on behalf of Andreotti who was worried about
Pecorelli’s revelations that could have destroyed his career[59].
However in 2003 the Cassation Court cleared him from this accusation[60].
The “Trattativa Stato-Mafia”[61]
is one of the most recent and interesting investigations able to disclose a
network of relationships between politicians and mafia from 1992 to date[62].
The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the party system, thanks to the Mani Pulite inquiries, brought the mafia
to look for new political representatives engaging a negotiation with a part of
the institutions. The story began on January 30, 1992 when the Maxi Trial
against Cosa Nostra finally came to
an end; for the first time in the Italian history the Supreme Court confirmed
life sentences for mafia bosses. This was possible thanks to a magistrate who
fought against the Mafia, Giovanni Falcone; while working with the Minister of
Justice, Claudio Martelli, he suggested a rotation criterion to avoid the judge
Corrado Carnevale, also known as the “sentence-slayer”[63],
to preside over the Supreme Court for that trial. According to the prosecutors
of the “Trattativa” investigation the
DC didn’t respect a “pact” with Cosa Nostra that should have granted impunity
for mafia bosses. In February 1992 the Minister Calogero Mannino (DC) told the Maresciallo
of the Carabinieri Giuliano Guazzelli “At this point they’ll kill me or Salvo Lima”.
A month later mafia killers on a motorcycle murdered Salvo Lima, member of the “corrente Andreottiana”[64].
A few days later the chief of the Italian Police, Vincenzo Parisi, wrote in a
secret note “death threats have been directed towards the Prime Minister, Giulio
Andreotti, and the Ministers Vizzini and Mannino… terroristic attacks against
DC, PSI and PDS[65]
members expected in March-July. Strategy that includes massacres.”On March 20, Vincenzo
Scotti, Minister of the Interior, stated: “hiding to the citizens that we are
facing an organised crime attempt to destabilize institutions is a huge
mistake”. Andreotti, however, defined this warning a hoax.
At the
end of March 1992 Vito Ciancimino, former mayor of Palermo, met Bernardo
Provenzano, one of the Cosa Nostra fugitive
bosses. This latter told him that Totò Riina, the then boss of the Corleone
syndicate[66],
“has been guaranteed something important by someone and his intentions are not
good at all”. On April 24 Andreotti government fell and between April and May
Mannino informally met several times Vincenzo Parisi, Bruno Contrada[67],
and the chief of the Special Operations Group (ROS) of the Carabinieri, Antonio
Subranni; these meetings were probably an input to create contacts with Cosa Nostra. On May 23 the judge Giovanni
Falcone, his wife and three bodyguards were killed in the blast caused by the detonation
of half a ton of explosives placed under the motorway that links the Palermo
International Airport to the city of Palermo, the Capaci massacre. Two days
later Oscar Luigi Scalfaro was elected President of the Republic in place of
Giulio Andreotti. On May 30 the then Captain of the ROS, Giuseppe De Donno, met
on a plane Vito Ciancimino’s son, Massimo, asking him to meet informally his
father. This is when the negotiation got started.
In the
first half of June Vito Ciancimino talked with Provenzano about the ROS’ request;
the boss told him to try to be a mediator between Riina and the Carabinieri. At
the end of June the first meetings between Ciancimino and the Captain De Donno
took place. Riina, informed of the negotiation, was euphoric and started to
write the “papello”[68],
a list of requests that had to be delivered to the State. On 28th June Nicola
Mancino replaced Scotti at the Ministry of the Interior while the day after
Liliana Ferraro, who took the role of Falcone within the Ministry of Justice
after his death, told Borsellino, magistrate and co-worker with Falcone, of the
negotiation between ROS and Ciancimino. On July 1 Borsellino was in Rome to interrogate
the “pentito” Gaspare Mutolo when the
Ministry of the Interior called him to meet the new Minister, Mancino, who was
taking office. Right before meeting the Minister, Borsellino encountered Bruno Contrada
who told him a joke about Mutolo’s “pentimento”[69]
that was still secret at the time. In the evening Borsellino told his wife “I
breathed death”. During the first half of July Ciancimino received the “papello” from Riina, twelve requests
that the Carabinieri evaluated as unacceptable; the negotiation interrupted. On
July 15 Borsellino was sick, vomited[70],
came back home and talked to his wife “I’m watching the mafia live; I’ve been
told that Subranni is punciutu”. Four
days later he died in the massacre of Via D’Amelio together with five
bodyguards while he was visiting his mother’s house.
At the
end of August the negotiation restarted, the ROS changed their strategy and
wanted Ciancimino to help them in arresting Totò Riina giving him maps of the
city of Palermo. In November 1992 Ciancimino gave these maps to Provenzano and
when he had them back he noticed that Provenzano did some marks, indicating
Riina’s hiding places. On January 1993 the boss of Cosa Nostra Totò Riina was finally arrested. However the
Carabinieri Captain Sergio De Caprio[71]
didn’t’ search his hideout and when this happened it was completely emptied. Cosa Nostra members responded to the Riina’s
arrest with a series of attacks[72].
In November 1993 the new Minister of Justice, Giovanni Conso, let more than
three hundred 41-bis[73]
expire representing the first real concession of the State, threatened by the
massacres. A failed attack at the Olympic Stadium in Rome, which should have
occurred in October 1993, has been recently explained by the “pentito” Gaspare Spatuzza. He told the
magistrates that the attack should have been the final attempt in trying to
convince the State to reform the 41-bis but the bomb didn’t explode due to
technical problems. Nonetheless he was ordered not to try again because,
according to Spatuzza, two new political figures, Silvio Berlusconi and
Marcello Dell’Utri were creating a party, Forza
Italia, considered by Cosa Nostra
to be the new mediator between institutions and mafia[74]
[75]
[76].
This
story represents the prosecutors’ point of view and the “Trattativa” inquiry, started
in 2009, is still going on. Nowadays mafiosi
and politicians are under investigation including the co-founder of
Berlusconi’s party Marcello Dell’Utri.
Solutions
of such complex problem should probably regard reforms concerning all the
aspects of the civil and political Italian life. First of all mafia has to be
thaught in schools so that future citizens would be fully aware of the problem,
especially in the southern regions the culture of legality should be a priority
at all levels of education; the judicial and police sector need far more
financial resources to fight against organised crime; magistrates and policemen
have to be as professionally prepared as mafia organisations. According to
Freedom House Italy is “partly-free”[77]
for what concerns the freedom of press. Public television is in the
government’s hands while the other main channels belong to former Prime
Minister Silvio Berlusconi. This situation determines a serious problem because
the lack of a free information system prevent people to understand what certain
politicians really are and what is really going on in their country. A part
from a few television programmes only local media report mafia related news, especially
in those regions where people are already partly aware of the reality surrounding
them. The benefits coming from the Internet technology are still limited because
Italy has the worst broadband speed connection of Europe[78].
For these reasons, all the knowledge provided so far is not discussed
nationwide and politicians don’t want to improve the information system. In the
end economic reforms are fundamental, mainly because mafia is after all a huge
economic obstacle. Such reforms should include more transparency and control of
the Italian market even though they should concern also other countries since mafia
is already a multinational corporation, making business everywhere around the
world.
In
conclusion, mafia organisations are not just criminal groups but an important
and persistent aspect of Italian politics. Since 1861 they both need each other
to maintain their power sharing same values and ideas about the world and life;
they represent a system of power and mass control. This system lives within democratic
institutions that aren’t showing political will along with constant and
effective actions. Even though it looks like an enormous enemy, mafia is not
invincible and as Giovanni Falcone stated: “The Mafia is a human phenomenon and
thus, like all human phenomena, it has had a beginning and an evolution, and
will also have an end.[79]”
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[2] Rogari S., Manica G., (2011), “Mafia e politica
dall’Unità d’Italia ad oggi. 150 anni di storia”, Edizioni Scientifiche
Italiane, Napoli.
[3] Commissione Parlamentare
Antimafia, (1999), Dossier “Conoscere le mafie, Costruire la legalità”.
[4] Cosa Nostra,
Camorra, ‘Ndrangheta
[7] ‘Ndrangheta
is called “Onorata Società” by its
members.
[9] Gratteri N. and Nicaso A., (2006), “Fratelli di
sangue”, Pellegrini Editore, Cosenza.
[13] Members of the Camorra
[15]
Commissione Parlamentare Antimafia, (1999), Dossier “Conoscere
le mafie, Costruire la legalità” chapter 4.
[16] Camorra
syndicate.
[17] Saviano R., (2006), “Gomorra”, Mondadori, Milano.
[22] Members of the mafia
[23] Saviano R., (2013), “Zero Zero Zero”, Feltrinelli
Editore, Milano.
[28]
Gounev P., Ruggiero V., (2012), “Corruption and Organised
Crime in Europe”, Routledge.
[30] Members of the Mafia.
[31] Grasso P., La Volpe A., (2009, “Per non morire di
mafia”, Sperling & Kupfer, Milano.
[33] Gratteri N. and Nicaso A., (2006), “Fratelli di
sangue”, Pellegrini Editore, Cosenza.
[34] “soldiers”
[35] “Representative”
[36] “Mafia Commission”
[37] Commissione Parlamentare
Antimafia, (1999), Dossier “Conoscere le mafie, Costruire la legalità”.
[39] Members of the ‘Ndrangheta.
[40] In this case the word refers to the ‘Ndrangheta rank
[43] Direzione
Distrettuale Antimafia
[45] Saviano R., (2006), “Gomorra”, Mondadori, Milano.
[46] Bianchi D., Rio R., (2013), “L' impero della
'ndrangheta. Radiografia di un'organizzazione criminale in continua espansione”,
Giulio Perrone Editore, Roma.
[48] Buscaglia E. and van Dijk J., (2003), “Controlling
Organised Crime and Corruption in the public sector” Forum on Crime and
Society, Vol. 3.
[49] Kerry J., (1998), “The New War: The Web of Crime That
Threatens America's Security”, Touchstone.
[51] “political faction”
[52] “New Organised Camorra”
[57] "he who has repented", the word designates people in Italy
who, formerly part of criminal or terrorist organizations, following their
arrests decide to "repent" and collaborate with the judicial system
to help investigations.
[62] It’s not clear if this negotiation stopped or it’s
still going on right now
[63] Because of the
high number of mafiosi convictions overturned on appeal in his court for
technical issues
[64] “Andreotti political faction”
[65] Partito
Democratico della Sinistra (Democratic Party of the Left)
[66] Riina was still a fugitive at the time
[68] The most important request was the removal of the
41-bis
[70] Borsellino, according to his wife Agnese, considered
the Carabinieri something “sacred” and incorruptible. Comprehensively he was
really shocked by what he was told.
[72] On 14 May, 1993 a bomb exploded in Via Fauro in Rome
but caused no injuries. On May 27 a bomb burst in Via dei Georgofili in
Florence causing the death of five people including a fifty days old baby. On
July 27 another bomb killed five people in Milan.
[73] Provisions
including very restrictive measures for Mafiosi in jail, they are isolated and
are not able to communicate with the external world.
